STANDING COMMITTEE ON HEALTH
COMITÉ PERMANENT DE LA SANTÉ
EVIDENCE
[Recorded by Electronic Apparatus]
Tuesday, November 27, 2001
• 1116
[English]
The Chair (Ms. Bonnie Brown (Oakville, Lib.)): This
meeting is called to order.
Our guest, Dr. Lippman, is going to introduce herself.
Professor Abby Lippman (Department of Epidemiology
and Biostatistics, McGill University, Canadian
Women's Health Network): Thanks very much.
[Translation]
Good morning. Thank you.
[English]
I am delighted to be here. I must admit that coming
in on the bus this morning I was saying, this is either
the best of times to come here or the worst of times to
come here. That was before the videoconferencing
issues and the bells started ringing. Since I was
spending most of my time on the bus reading the
headlines in the newspapers this morning, I guess this
is a timely session. I will just warn you now of what
will not be coming later. Most of my comments are not
going to be about cloning and embryonic stem cells,
although I will say some things about them that may be
different from what you've heard, I hope.
So basically I'm here today wearing two hats. I will
try to let you know when I take one off and put the
other on. I am representing the Canadian Women's
Health Network. I am co-chair of the board. I'm also
going to be representing myself, and I'll tell you why
I'm taking that privilege.
I also warn you that if I do speak in French as well
as in English, I speak both with the same New York
accent.
Some hon. members: Oh, oh!
Prof. Abby Lippman: As I have referred to myself, I
am an audible minority in this country.
The Canadian Women's Health Network, for those of you
who are not aware of it, is a national network
comprising individuals, organizations, and
institutions, all of whom are concerned with women's
health. It's a clearing-house for women's health
information. We are now, and have been for the last
four and a half years, a partner in the national
centres of excellence for women's health policy
research consortium. The program is funded
out of Health Canada. We sit on the steering committee
of the centres of excellence program.
The Canadian Women's Health Network is also the
women's health affiliate for the Canadian Health
Network. I'm not going to start with all the
acronyms, because even I can't remember them.
We've also been very involved in other health issues
through two working groups. One is on women and health
reform, and I believe some of you may have met people
from that group. The other is a working group on women
and health protection.
It's a voluntary group. Anybody who'd like to may join.
If you agree with our principles, you are welcome to
become a member. I never waste time soliciting
membership.
Right now the CWHN has not formally approved any
statement on the draft bill. However, there are parts
of the draft bill that are concordant with various
positions we have taken in other areas. In that
context is how I have been delegated to speak for the
women's network.
I've also been asked to speak for them, not only
because I'm co-chair of the board right now, but also
because I was a member of the federal Advisory
Committee on New Reproductive and Genetic Technologies.
I resigned in June 2000.
I have also been trained in genetics. I'm now in the
Department of Epidemiology. I have been doing my own
research and writing on issues having to do with
genetic and reproductive technologies since perhaps
some of you were born. I think my grey hair shows for
the difficulties of dealing with some of these issues.
They're painful ones. Whether you're for them or
against them, they are not easy. Most of my research
has been involved doing qualitative work with women who
have been faced with some of the decisions you have to
make about using these technologies. So my own
opinions have been informed by what I have learned from
them.
• 1120
To further bore you, the other context I bring to this
in terms of some of the consent issues is that I'm on
the ethics review board at the Faculty of
Medicine at McGill, which is my home base. I was with
the ethics committee of the Society of Obstetricians
and Gynaecologists of Canada when they drafted
some of their positions on elements in the bill,
particularly the one on surrogacy. I signed off on
that piece for the SOGC.
So that's who I am.
The Chair: Thank you very much, Dr. Lippman. Make
sure you get a good seat.
Prof. Abby Lippman: It was very nice being with
you today. It was very simple responding to your
questions.
The Chair: Good morning, Dr. Dalziel.
Dr. Maureen Dalziel (Chief Executive Officer,
Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority (London,
United Kingdom)): Good morning.
The Chair: I'm Bonnie Brown, the chair of the
Standing Committee on Health, and we're very grateful
that you have agreed to spend some time with us this
morning. I believe you will have a statement to
make to us, after which we will ask you questions. Is
that agreeable to you?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: That's agreeable to me, yes.
The Chair: Well, then Dr. Dalziel, you have the
floor.
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: Thank you. I'm very pleased
to give evidence this afternoon, London time.
The Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority in
the U.K. got its start on August 1, 1991, with the
following responsibilities: to license and regulate
clinics carrying out IVF; the use of donated gametes,
including donor insemination, gamete and embryo
storage, and human embryo research; to maintain a code
of practice giving guidance on the proper conduct of
licensed activities; to maintain a register of licensed
treatments given and of the children born as a result;
to give advice and information to licensed clinics, to
perspective patients, and to the public; to keep the
field under review; and to give advice when asked to the
United Kingdom Secretary of State for Health.
I thought it would be useful to take some time
explaining these responsibilities. By far the greater
proportion of our regulatory function is exercised
through the issue, maintaining, and review of
licences—all licences for research, licensed services,
and activities that a centre is permitted to provide or
in which they may engage.
Before the granting of the licence, the facilities at
the centre will have been inspected by one of our
inspectorial teams, and the centre staff will have been
inspected with regard to their CVs and standard of
competence in the techniques they are proposing to
use. Treatment licences are usually granted for a
period of three years, although a shorter licence may be
issued and additional conditions imposed if a centre is
found to be in breach of the code of practice.
Whilst the act set out in broad terms the practices
for which licences are required and for which they may
be issued, it does not get into the level of individual
techniques and the assessment of the individual
competences required on the part of those practising
them. That is left to the HFEA.
All applications for a licence are considered by
a committee made up of members of the authority.
Sometimes committees are confronted with difficult
decisions that require the input of expert peer
reviewers. The authority revises and updates its
review board in order to ensure that it is equipped to
assess technically complex applications by drawing on
expertise in the relevant field.
So whilst the licence committee may take as its
starting point the code of practice on the authority's
current policy, its discretion to award, vary,
impose conditions on, or revoke a licence must be
unconstrained within the terms of the 1990 act. It has
been known for decisions to be challenged through an
appeal procedure that is built into the systems. These
appeals are heard first of all by the full authority,
minus the members of the licence committee, although
both the applicant and the licence committee are
entitled to representation in front of the authority.
If the outcome is unsatisfactory, there remains the
option for the applicant to appeal to the High Court on
a point of law.
This procedure ensures that any
licensing decision made within the authority cannot
be arbitrary, inconsistent, or unfair.
• 1125
The code of practice is one of the main statutory
functions. We publish and maintain a code of practice
for those working in assisted reproduction that gives
guidance on those activities that may be performed on
pursuance of a licence. Whilst the court expresses and
interprets the mandatory provisions of the act, its
main function is to translate the requirements of the
legislation, especially with regard to what is suitable
or proper, into a set of realistic and achievable
standards, the purpose of which is to ensure that
clinics provide the best possible service to patients.
Therefore, its aims are compliance with the law and
assurance of a universal quality of service. It does
not represent a minimum standard. Its aim is to
promote the best practice possible.
What the HFEA has tried to do is develop and refine
its structure, systems, and processes to support good
decision-making in ART in order to ensure that whatever
the outcome of decisions, they are well founded and
well made. What neither the code nor the HFEA in
general intend to do is usurp the decision-making role
of clinicians and patients.
Another important aspect is the register the authority
uses to collect detailed information on all IVF and
donor insemination treatments. Its main purpose is to
be able to report certain details concerning the
circumstances of their birth to children once they
reach the age of 18 or when they intend to marry. For
example, the register will enable the authority to
inform patients born through the use of donated gametes
whether they are genetically related to the person they
intend to marry.
That data can also be used to monitor the performance
in clinics, enabling the authority to direct its
attention to areas of performance that fall outside the
normal range. This has, on many occasions, provided a
useful dialogue between clinics and inspection teams.
As you know, the practice of IVF and related
treatments has grown extensively with the rapid and
extensive expansion of the techniques and technologies.
The HFEA is concerned to ensure that any proposed new
technique has been fully considered in terms of safety
and efficacy before it agrees to license it for
clinical application.
Recent examples of new techniques that are being
considered include pre-implantation genetic diagnosis,
intracytoplasmic sperm injection, and egg
freezing. Before the technique will be considered by
the HFEA, evidence will be sought from expert groups,
and external expert advice will help the authority
establish whether the applicant has demonstrated that
the technique is safe, its reliability has been
demonstrated, adequate pre-clinical research has been
conducted, the applicant has the appropriate skills,
patient selection criteria have been established, and
the appropriate information and consent procedures are
in place.
This has been one of the most difficult areas the HFEA
has had to tackle in the past ten years. There is always
the push of technology combined with the pull of the
imperative to provide new and effective treatments that
go against the intense pressure the authority has found
to allow progress at a rapid pace. The authority is
seen within the United Kingdom to take a cautious
approach, working to establish mechanisms that ensure
thorough evaluation of each new application.
Most recently, as you may be aware, are the debates
that were in front of our House in January, when new
research regulations were added to the act to allow
some of the more innovative, rapidly changing aspects
of repro-genetics. In January this year, additional
legal purposes for embryo research included increasing
knowledge about the development of embryos, increasing
knowledge about serious disease, or enabling any such
knowledge to be applied in developing treatments for
serious disease.
• 1130
We have, as a result of these new regulations,
enhanced our existing licensing system for research.
Applicants will be required to justify why embryonic
stem cells are to be used rather than adult or animal
stem cells. They will be required to provide detailed
information on what will happen to stem cells
throughout the project, keeping them within the
licensed project, and six monthly progress reports will
have to be submitted to the HFEA.
The monitoring of this will be detailed and sensitive;
however, it is an expansion of part of the role that
has been going on for over ten years within the HFEA.
You will be aware that in the past week a judgment
has been made that the definition of the embryo within
the HFE Act does not cover embryos created by cell
nuclear replacement. You'll also be aware that at the
moment the House is looking at emergency legislation to
stop human reproductive cloning within the United
Kingdom in order to plug the gap that has emerged as
quickly as possible.
That is the statement I would like to make at this
time. Thank you.
The Chair: Thank you, Dr. Dalziel.
I'm going to introduce the lead critic for the
opposition in our government, Preston Manning. Mr.
Manning will have some questions for you.
Mr. Preston Manning (Calgary Southwest, Canadian
Alliance): Good morning, Dr. Dalziel. It's morning
here, afternoon there. Thank you for spending this
time with us.
My first question is about how the authority is held
accountable to Parliament. We're in the process here
of trying to set up external authority, and we want to
have some independence from the government and the
department. On the other hand, we want to be
accountable to Parliament and to the public.
Could you tell us exactly how the authority is held
accountable for its decisions and actions?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: The authority is accountable
to the Secretary of State through the Department of
Health, which is accountable to Parliament. The
authority has statutory functions, so it is given a
range of responsibilities on behalf of Parliament,
which I went through in my statement.
The authority meets in private. Its discussions are
not held in public, but it has a web site that keeps
members of the public up to date on what is happening
at the end of each authority meeting.
The authority meets in private once every four weeks,
apart from in December and August, which are the two
months of holidays. Licence committees are held
completely in private. It's only now, as a result of
suggestions from the Department of Health, that we are
beginning to consider how we make our judgments
much more accessible to the public.
So it's through the usual system of sponsoring
department through the House of Commons that we are
accountable.
Mr. Preston Manning: What about regulations? Do
any of your regulations require concurrence from
Parliament, or can Parliament come back on a regulation
if it feels it's not consistent with the act or intent
of Parliament?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: The act has been very
carefully crafted in the United Kingdom. There are,
therefore, some logistical difficulties in implementing
the act on a day-to-day basis. One example is
confidentiality. Confidentiality has in a way been
seen as one of the most important aspects of the HFEA,
which has meant that to change that provision of
confidentiality, it requires primary legislation, which
the United Kingdom government at this time has not been
willing to look at.
• 1135
If there are some issues that can be amended by
secondary legislation, the House will look more
favourably upon that. The worry about changing primary
legislation is that it opens up the whole tenet of the
act.
At the moment, you will be aware, there's a bill going
through on human cloning, as an emergency bill. It's a
very small bill and has only to do with that aspect,
and no other aspect of the act.
Apart from the act and the regulations behind it,
there can be conditions imposed, which can mean the
interpretation is slightly different than perhaps can
be read from the act initially. An example would be
that if we wanted to make sure the research regulations
were interpreted in a specific way, we could add
specific conditions in secondary regulations to the
act.
Am I making myself clear?
Mr. Preston Manning: Yes. Thank you.
You made some reference to how you've been handling
embryonic stem cells. But could you give us a bit of
the history and the high and low points—say, over the
last ten years—in the regulation of therapeutic cloning
for the purposes of producing embryonic stem cells?
We understand that initially there were restrictions
against it; then they were changed. Now there's some
controversy over what can and cannot be allowed. Can
you give us a history of your regulations for
therapeutic cloning, particularly for the purpose of
reproduction of embryonic stem cells?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: The act was very specifically
crafted at a time before therapeutic cloning was
considered to be an issue. It was particularly seen as
an act that protected infertility treatment and
infertility research. However, as a result of the
confidence the Houses of Parliament, including the
House of Lords, have had in the HFEA's application of
the act, and as a result of the advances in genetics
that are now well seen throughout the world with the
genomic projects, it has become apparent that stem
cells from adults and animal tissue on their own do not
have the potential that stem cells have from
embryos—animal embryos being the model that started
the debate.
The belief at this time is that embryonic stem cells
would be more able to produce the kinds of cells that
would be required for therapy in future.
As a result of debate that has probably taken place
over the past four years, the chief medical officer
pulled together our particular advisory committee to
consider this issue. The result of his report was
debated by the House. As a result of that, it was
agreed to extend the remit of the HFEA act, so that as
well as looking at research into infertility treatment,
research in embryos could be approved for the following
purposes: increasing knowledge about the development
of embryos; increasing knowledge about serious disease;
or enabling any such knowledge to be applied in
developing treatments for serious disease.
You will know that the House of Lords, earlier this
year, set themselves up an advisory committee to
consider this. The HFEA has agreed, as a result, not
to go forward with research that would involve cell
nuclear replacement at this time, until the House of
Lords' committee has reported.
• 1140
A number of days ago, the ProLife Alliance challenged
the definition of “specified” in the act and got
agreement from the court that an embryo that was not
fertilized could not be designated an embryo. As a
result of that, the human cloning bill is going through
the House of Parliament and Lords at the moment. That
leaves a gap for cell nuclear replacement, which has no
regulation within the U.K., unless the court of appeal
overturns the decision in the lower court. At the
moment, the Department of Health is discussing with
lawyers how we might handle this gap, which I think at
this stage they are confident the court of appeal
will overturn.
[Inaudible—Editor]...are seen very much
as a therapeutic benefit,
the Medical Research Council working with the Medicines
Control Agency and with the Human Fertilisation and
Embryology Authority to work through a process that
ensures the spirit of the regulation is as Parliament
would wish it to be seen.
The Chair: Thank you very much, Dr. Dalziel.
I wonder if we could continue on a practical note.
You talked about the therapeutic uses of stem cells,
and I'm wondering, as the United Kingdom has had more
freedom for its scientists to pursue that line of
research, have you heard of any very positive results
they are getting in the treatment of some of these
diseases?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: I think if you're a scientist
or a doctor, the way of describing it is that where the
scientists are at the moment is at the stage of
developing the methods. It's not, at this stage, about
having the therapy ready. If you think about the
genomic project, some say it started with the finding
of DNA. It took 50 years to get the genome project you
and I have heard about in the past 18 months.
My guess is that where we are with stem cells is at
the stage of trying to extract the cells from embryos
rather than actually designing the therapies that will
make a difference tomorrow—to Parkinson's disease, or
heart disease. The hope is we will develop a method of
extracting cells that could be replicated, once the
methods are more sophisticated, to allow the
development of therapies.
Anyone who has anything to do with medical research
will know it takes about eight years for a drug to get
a licence in the United Kingdom and in Europe. I don't
know what it is in Canada and the States, but I can't
imagine it's any less.
So early research on the
methods would need to happen. Once the methods are
much more confident and robust scientifically, the
extraction of cells should be more routine. When the
extraction of cells becomes more routine, it should be
possible for the cells to then become like replacement
cells, either for the brain, heart, or muscle. I see
that the whole process will probably take 10 to 15
years.
Where we are at the moment is developing the method
for growing the cells. I think that's something quite
hard for people to understand, but if you think about
social science rather than biological science—in any
kind of research endeavour—there is always a
methodological endeavour as well as a results or
outcome endeavour. A methodological endeavour is
usually ahead of the outcome endeavour or results. The
way I see it, we're at a very early stage. The initial
applications have all been trying to grow cells from
embryos that have been surplus to requirements. At
this time in the United Kingdom I'm not aware of any
cell lines being grown from them.
• 1145
The Chair: Thank you. I have a series of
questions that really require a more quantitative
response. They concern licensing. I'm wondering, for
example, how many licences are active and out there in
your country. I'm wondering how many inspectors you
have to inspect those licensed places. I'm wondering
if the licences apply to a facility—that is, a clinic
with a name, maybe even incorporated—or whether the
licences are given to the lead researcher. In other
words, are they attached to a person, place, or a
project with a team listed?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: There are 118
treatment centres licensed at the moment. In the 11
years the HFEA has been working, over 175 clinics or
centres have been licensed.
The process is that there is a person responsible for
handling and safeguarding the process overall within
the centre. There will also be a nominal licence fee,
which is our fall-back position in case anything
happens to the person we call “the person
responsible”.
There are routine licences issued for IVF, donor
insemination, and the storage of embryo and gametes.
There are then specific licences that have grown by
180-fold for issues I will label micro-manipulation.
Among the things we would be talking about are
pre-implantation genetic diagnosis, ICSI,
aneuploidy. This has come out of the growth of
genetics.
So the answer is there would be a mixture. There are
also separate licences for research, some of which will
take place in treatment centres. But once again, a
person will be responsible for the research licence.
The number of inspectors we have within the HFEA is as
follows. We have five inspector-coordinators to cover
the whole of the United Kingdom. One of them has the
responsibility for research, the other four principally
for treatment. Within the four, a number will have a
particular responsibility, mainly around the areas of
micro-manipulation. Attached to the authority will be,
at this time, up to forty inspectors; that is,
clinicians, scientists, and counsellors. We will visit
the treatment centre every year, but we will carry out
a fuller inspection once every three years—and a
fuller inspection if the licence committee, which has
five members, has put specific conditions on the
licence.
So the answer is, it will depend. Although there is a
regular system for what I would see to be the more
routine aspects of licensing IVF and donor
insemination, there is more intensive scrutiny for
ICSI, PGD, aneuploidy, and specific
requests such as HLA typing.
Does that begin to answer your question?
The Chair: That's terrific. Thank you very much.
I also wondered whether, either in the legislation or
in the regulations that accompany it, Parliament has
made any statements that would revolve around the
protection of, say, potential mothers, such as the
number of times fertility drugs can be repeated on any
one person.
Then there's protection of the embryo, with the number
of ova that can be fertilized in the petri dish, and
also the number of times one man can donate sperm. Are
there any regulations that restrict those things, or
are those the things you leave to the medical
practitioners?
• 1150
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: There are no regulations
around those issues. It's advice we can give and
may give in the code of practice. For instance, the
code of practice at the moment says we do not
expect any more than three embryos to be put back into
one woman at any time. In recent months, the authority
has decreed that it should be two embryos.
The vehicle we would use to specify these issues would
be the code of practice. We feel that allows us to
change in line with emerging evidence from research and
emerging evidence with clinical practice. It allows us
to take on board views expressed by either the Royal
Colleges of Midwives, Nursing, and Obstetricians and
Gynaecologists, or the Association of Clinical
Embryologists.
The Chair: But that code of practice is attached
to your authority, isn't it?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: Yes, it's part of the
authority. Ideally a code of practice would be issued
every year, outlining not standards but actually what
we would expect to see in clinics for treatment and
research. I don't have a copy of it with me, but I'd
be very happy to send you an update of our latest code
of practice, if that would be helpful.
The Chair: It would be very helpful.
Can you remove a licence if your inspector finds
someone breaching the code of practice?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: Removing licences is never
simple, because it is a legal process. We have at the
moment an example of a clinic in which we find breaches
to the code of practice and the act. There is a
process of revocation going on at the moment in which
evidence is put before a licence committee, which is
made up of five members of the authority. The evidence
is coming from two sources: from our inspectors but
also from the person responsible. They're allowed to
put their side of the story too.
In determining whether a licence will be reviewed,
there's actually a lot of legal due process that one
has to go through. Just assuming that a breach of the
code of practice or a breach of the act means that a
licence will be revoked is premature. What I would say
to you is that there is a process that allows that act
to be considered, and to be considered properly.
The Chair: Thank you.
We didn't have all of our committee here when we
began, Dr. Dalziel, because they had to go and vote.
Mr. Manning and I were holding the fort. But they have
returned now, so I'm going to ask if any of them have
questions of you.
We'll have Mr. Merrifield next.
Mr. Rob Merrifield (Yellowhead, Canadian Alliance):
Thank you.
With regard to your human fertility authority, you
have to recognize the different perspectives. You have
the public and the science and faith communities. How
are they reflected? Are you comfortable that they're
reflected in the makeup of your committee?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: We have a very large
committee. There is the chairman and 20 members. The
membership is made up of clinicians, scientists,
ethicists, and lay people. They are proportional to
ensure that the number of clinicians and scientists
cannot dominate the committee.
Although the United Kingdom is
now moving to much more open public participation and
we are endeavouring to engage with our patient
representative groups much more in an informal way, the
committee's constitution itself makes sure there
is a voice from all those groups within it.
• 1155
Mr. Rob Merrifield: Just to follow up on that with
regard to the committee, it's been going on for some
time now, and I'm sure it's evolving somewhat. But if
you were to go back to its origin, or perhaps reflect
on how it's working now, could you tell me its two
greatest strengths and its two greatest weaknesses and
how you might change it if you could?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: Its greatest strength has
been to reassure the population in the United Kingdom
that science in this sensitive area is being regulated
in a considered way and that the ethical framework in
which these decisions are made tries to be as fair and
as timely as possible.
Its second greatest strength is that it has built up a
very good working relationship with the clinicians and
scientists within the field, so that the authority is
not caught unawares by the advance of science.
Its weakness is probably that it was set up in a time
when there was a particular view that IVF would be a
very small activity. It would only be something that a
small number of people would actually need to make use
of. At no time was the advance of genetics foreseen
when the committee was put together in such a way.
Therefore its infrastructure—I've described the number
of inspectors and inspector coordinators—is fairly
light. I think now we would be saying that in order to
reassure the public, particularly with the opportunity
there is for research, that would need to be
strengthened.
Mr. Rob Merrifield: Thank you. I have just one
further question.
Can you highlight for us the annual budget or costs
and perhaps the growth of the costs over the last
number of years, and maybe explain some of the sources
of revenue?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: Yes. I have explained this.
The HFEA has been a very efficient organization. Its
budget for the past ten years has been £1.5 million,
which if you multiply it by three is probably
equivalent to a small amount of Canadian dollars per
annum actually. It's become clear that in order to run
the research inspection process in a rigorous and
sensitive way, that budget will need to increase
considerably.
The source of the funding has really been the
treatment clinics. The source of the funding in the
future will continue to be treatment clinics, but also
will be research organizations, which in the U.K. are
primarily in the universities. We are presently in
discussions with the Department of Health and the
Department of Trade and Industry to decide how best
this should be funded to ensure that the fees we
collect are fair for what we do on behalf of the United
Kingdom.
The Chair: Anyone else?
Mr. Ménard.
[Translation]
Mr. Réal Ménard (Hochelaga—Maisonneuve, BQ): I would have
liked you to wait for us before starting the meeting, Madam
Chair. There was a vote in the House. It will be difficult for
us to ask questions when we haven't heard the opening statement.
We stayed in the House to vote, we did our job as
parliamentarians.
• 1200
[English]
The Chair: I'm sorry, Mr. Ménard.
Mr. Dromisky has a question.
Mr. Stan Dromisky (Thunder Bay—Atikokan, Lib.):
You probably dealt with this earlier, when we
were in the House voting. However, in light of the
most recent developments in stem cell research that
have occurred in the United States, there's been a
reaction in your country, especially in the House of
Commons. Can you brief us as to what is the latest?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: A bill is going through
Parliament at the moment. In fact, it was heard in the
House of Lords yesterday and is due to be heard in the
House of Commons on Thursday. This is a very small
bill that will ensure that human cloning cannot take
place in the U.K. It's been rushed through as an
emergency bill because a number of days ago,
the ProLife Alliance
managed to get agreement in the High
Court that the definition of an embryo did not include
the definition of an embryo as determined by cloning.
This does mean, however, that unless the court of
appeal overturns this decision, there will be a gap,
and cell nuclear replacement will actually be able to
take place—that's therapeutic cloning, not human
reproduction cloning. The Department of Health is
discussing how to plug that gap, though I believe they
think the court of appeal will overturn the original
ruling.
At the same time, there is a House of Lords committee
considering the new research regulations in cell
nuclear replacement. It is due to report at the end of
January next year, and the HFEA has agreed not to
license any cell nuclear replacements until then,
although we are continuing with our research
regulations as specified under the act.
Is that helpful?
Mr. Stan Dromisky: Could you give us a little more
information regarding therapeutic research, the stem
cell research?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: The United Kingdom is well
placed because of the research regulations to license
research where it considers it's appropriate. The
conditions are as follows: increasing knowledge about
the development of embryos; increasing knowledge about
serious disease; or enabling any such knowledge to be
applied in developing treatments for serious disease.
I have explained that at this time the science is at
a very early stage of development. It's really at the
stage of developing the methods for extracting the
cells, not actually turning the cells into therapies as
yet.
I tried to describe it as a parallel to DNA being
found 50 years ago on the genomic project and taking
50 years to come to some fruition. I'm not saying that
will be the case in therapy development, but I was
trying to point out that for a drug to be licensed for
normal use in the United Kingdom or Europe, it can take
eight years of clinical trials, which I'm sure you are
aware of. It would strike me that it would be
something similar with therapy.
So where we are at the moment, in the United Kingdom,
is that no stem cells have been produced. A number of
researchers under the previous research regulations
have tried to extract embryonic stem cells and have not
succeeded in the United Kingdom. The Medical Research
Council is very anxious to foster the development
of this science in the United Kingdom and is acting
with the Department of Trade and Industry to encourage
the development of an infrastructure for scientists to
conduct this research. Although we have two new
applicants with the HFEA at this time, we have yet to
issue the licences.
The Chair: Thank you.
Mrs. Wasylycia-Leis is next.
• 1205
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis (Winnipeg North Centre,
NDP): Thank you.
This is just to pursue the nature of the bill before
your Parliament currently. Would that bill, if passed,
in fact prohibit the kind of development coming from
Massachusetts that was reported yesterday?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: No, it wouldn't. It's human
reproduction cloning. What was reported in the United
States was what I would call therapeutic cloning.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: What is the current
public policy in the U.K. in terms of the creation of
embryos for research purposes?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: Where we are at the moment is
that the HFEA Act was extended on January 31 this year
to specify additional legal purposes for embryo
research. As I said, it's about increasing the
knowledge about the development of embryos, increasing
the knowledge about serious disease, and enabling any
such knowledge to be applied in developing treatments
for serious disease.
We have had two applications to the authority, which
are going through the process at the moment, but no
licences have been issued at this time. There are
licences already. There were three projects under the
previous regulations for research that were issued. No
stem cells or stem cell lines have been developed as a
result of those licences.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: Thank you.
To what extent is research in this broad area
regulated in the public sector? In other words—you
mentioned most of the research is being done in
universities—what proportion is being done by life
science companies and pharmaceutical companies and
falls beyond the purview of government regulation and
oversight?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: [Inaudible—Editor]...licences
for research in the United Kingdom would
include licences for research in private sector
companies as well as the public sector. The research
that has taken place in the United Kingdom to date has
been in the public sector and in the universities. But
increasingly our universities—I can't speak for
Canadian universities—have been becoming more
entrepreneurial, getting partnerships and developing
companies alongside universities in order to help the
injection of cash into research. I do know that a
number of private companies have expressed an interest
in supporting research in this area, but they're
waiting to see in the United Kingdom whether we will
license easily or whether the licensing process will be
complicated.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: Thank you.
Just on that, how are you handling the patenting
process and the development of genetically manipulated
human cells? I know it's an important issue
globally, but I'm wondering if you have a public policy
in the U.K. to deal with requests for the patenting of
life forms or for any developments in this area.
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: The HFEA has not had any, but
I do know that discussions are taking place on a whole
variety of these issues in the Department of Health and
the Department of Trade and Industry. I don't know
where those discussions are going at this time, but
it's one of a number of issues people are beginning to
get their heads together on.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: This is one other area
that may have already been discussed, Madam Chair, but
I'd like to ask about the whole question of public
financing of services provided in terms of in vitro
fertilization, artificial insemination, and any other
reproductive technologies. What is covered now through
public health insurance, what is left for the
individual to pay, and how does your system work that
way?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: The way the system works is that
in some parts of the country National Health will pay
for IVF treatments, but usually on no more than three
occasions for one person or one couple.
• 1210
However, just to give you a feel, 75% of the business
takes place in the private sector, and only 25% takes
place in the public sector. The National Institute for
Clinical Excellence is currently looking at the
evidence about infertility and will be considering
whether it should be available in the public sector. I
think it's more likely to be available in the public
sector if it can be demonstrated that it would be
cost-effective to do so. At the moment, it has not
been demonstrated to that effect.
There is obviously a lobby from patients who are
infertile and would welcome the National Health Service
providing infertility treatment as part of its normal
service, but at the moment it is really something the
majority of people do have to pay for.
The Chair: Thank you, Ms. Wasylycia-Leis.
I'll now turn to Mr. Lunney.
Mr. James Lunney (Nanaimo—Alberni, Canadian
Alliance): Thank you, Madam Chair.
In the U.K., is there regulation on the sale of
gametes? For instance, we had some very generous
financial incentives for women to participate in
donating ova and so on. How do you handle that in the
U.K.?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: [Inaudible—Editor]...go
on, so we say that no more than £10 will be paid for that.
Mr. James Lunney: Excellent.
The next question is on commercial surrogacy. Where
considerations are given, in terms of income loss or
so-called reasonable expenses, how is that handled in
the U.K.?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: That's not something we
actually get involved in. It's outside our remit. That
really is because it's in between a number of laws,
family law and children's law.... I can't honestly say
what the most up-to-date thing is. I can't really give
you advice or say what would be helpful to Canadian law
except just to say that surrogacy is not something that
is really—how shall I put it—welcomed in the United
Kingdom. I think that is the best way of putting it,
actually.
Mr. James Lunney: So you would say it's
discouraged, in essence?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: Yes.
Mr. James Lunney: Excellent.
Oh, there's just one other thing, and that is on
donations. Do you allow anonymous donations, privacy
for so-called donors, or is there more interest in
making sure the children produced by technology
have access to information on their parentage?
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: That is a very pertinent
question, because it's a question that is becoming more
and more common. In the past, donations were private.
What we would keep on the register were descriptions if
the donors wished to pass on descriptions of themselves
to children.
However, there are two things. There is the human
rights legislation and a belief among an increasing
number of organizations, ones that support donors and
the parents of children who have come from the donated
gametes, that there should be a much greater
understanding of what a child's genetic origins are and
who their father or mother is. In the near future the
Department of Health will be going out over a six-month
period to consult the public on what sort of
information should be made available.
The Liberty Alliance, which very much looks after the
freedom to find out who you are for groups of children,
is at the moment taking a number of cases to our
courts, asking for information about the donor to be
made available, one, because there are medical
conditions it
would be useful for the donor to know about; two,
because it would be useful for the child to know
their genetic origins and who their father or mother is;
and three, very much as a kind of challenge against the
law, actually. That's going on at the moment within
the United Kingdom.
• 1215
My own personal view is that there will be an
expectation eventually that more information should be
made available to children as more and more become
aware that they were born as a result of donated
gametes. I think the research certainly suggests that
there are good reasons to think that courts will
eventually think it's a good idea. That's my only
intelligence to date on that matter.
Mr. James Lunney: Thank you very much.
The Chair: Mr. Manning.
Mr. Preston Manning: I have just one short
question. How does the authority relate to local
health authorities and other components of the system,
such as the Human Genetics Commission? As you know,
Canada is a federal system, which is different from
yours, and we have a lot of our institutions in other
areas than just the federal area. I wonder how your
authority relates to local health authorities and to
other bodies like the Human Genetics Commission.
Dr. Maureen Dalziel: The authority usually covers
England, Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland, so it's
a U.K.-wide body. Its sponsoring department is the
Department of Health, which is the same sponsoring
department as that for the NHS, and therefore the NHS
and the authority share the same secretary of state.
We, as you can see, regulate treatment services in NHS
trusts and in private clinics. We would only relate to
regional offices or health authorities if there were a
specific issue that was of wider interest than just the
individual treatment or research centre we were
licensing. I'm trying to think of an example. One
example might be if we found HIV or some infectious
disease in a particular clinic. It may very well be
that in this case we would talk to not only the trust
but the health authority.
Until fairly recently it would be true to say that the
authority almost acted specifically in this area
without recourse to any other organization. But the
chairman of the authority, Ruth Deech,
sits on the Human Genetics Commission as a member, and I
attend all meetings of the Human Genetics Commission
and we conduct joint consultations, the most recent
example of that being into genetic diagnosis.
In the field of genetics and science, we probably have
more strategic relationships and operational
relationships. With regard to the health service, the
more likely organizations we link into are other
regulatory bodies like the Commission for Health
Improvement and the new regulatory body, the new
national care founders commission, which
is regulating practice in the private sector, rather
than the health authority, which is responsible for
overseeing the health needs of a population.
The Chair: Seeing no further questions, Dr.
Dalziel, I want to thank you profusely for your time
and for all the knowledge you have brought to the
table for us this morning.
• 1220
We are still struggling with draft legislation and
hope to report to the minister soon, and then we expect
a real bill to be introduced in Parliament. It will
probably come back to us again, so we will not be
finished when we're finished, if you know what I mean.
So thank you very much. We appreciate this, and
hopefully some of us might be able to meet you on trips
to the U.K., or you perhaps will meet us on a trip to
Canada. Thank you for your time.
Ladies and gentlemen, I think we'll recess for about
two minutes in case you want coffee or anything, and
then we'll call Dr. Lippman back to the table.
• 1221
• 1226
The Chair: Can we come back to order, ladies and
gentlemen?
Dr. Lippman was sufficiently interested to come at
11 a.m. in order to hear from Dr. Dalziel in
Britain and get the latest word on what was happening
over there. Dr. Dalziel was not ready, so Dr. Lippman
came to the table and went through what she called the
easy part of her presentation, which was introducing
herself.
Believe me, she has a list of credentials that are
tremendously impressive, with knowledge from a variety of
angles on this field—one being her scientific
credentials. She has also served on Canadian bodies
developing public policy in this area. It's really
what I consider to be a wealth of experience.
So I will introduce Dr. Lippman to you and ask her to
proceed with her opinions on what we're doing.
Prof. Abby Lippman: I just want to clarify that sometimes—and
I'll try to make you aware—I'll be
speaking on behalf of the Canadian Women's Health
Network as well as myself, and other times I'll be
speaking only for myself. The CWHN does not have a formal
statement that is approved on all of these issues, but
we have certain positions we can take, nevertheless.
Thank you for inviting me. As I said at the
beginning, I don't know if this is the best of times or
the worst of times, looking at the newspapers' front
pages and editorial pages the last two days. It's an
interesting time to be here, to say the least.
I will try to touch on a number of issues, and if I go
rapidly over them—I speak fast as well as move fast—I
hope you'll come back with some questions I might be
able to answer when I'm finished.
I will start with some general issues first, and then
a couple of very specific—
Mr. Réal Ménard: Point of order.
I want to make sure there's a translation of the text
because it's difficult.
Prof. Abby Lippman: I don't have it because I only
prepared it yesterday.
Mr. Réal Ménard: Oh.
Prof. Abby Lippman: I will be leaving one with the
committee.
I apologize. I have a diskette, but it was too late.
[Translation]
I'm sorry.
[English]
The Chair: Try to speak more slowly because
otherwise the translators won't be able to keep up with
you.
Prof. Abby Lippman: Sorry.
Let me start with some commentaries about the preamble
first. I'd like to start with some positive
commentaries about the bill itself. Basically, the
CWHN is pleased to see there is finally something on
the table. We have been asking for one for a very long
time, and I will not go back into history to remind you
of that.
However, it's important that at the same time you are
deliberating this bill, the public, as well as
practitioners and researchers, are very well aware that
no matter what you may be prohibiting, as soon as you
get to prohibit things, it does not mean that
everything else is okay to do, that you just need to get a
licence and move ahead. It will be very important to
make it clear to the public that the absence of a
prohibition at the start of this legislation does not
mean it won't be prohibited later on, or that it is an
acceptable practice.
• 1230
Turning to the preamble, again we are pleased to see
that a tone is being set for the legislation that
follows. We are delighted to see that the special
effects on women of these technologies are recognized.
However, there are a couple of elements that we would
like to see added.
The first would be recognition of the value of
protecting the vulnerable. The second would be a
reflection of charter rights commitments to equality,
with mention that assisted reproductive technologies
must not contribute to discrimination against
vulnerable social groups, particularly women and people
with disabilities.
We would also like it mentioned that all of this is
occurring within the broader reproductive and sexual
health context in which these activities are placed.
That would at the least enable the educational work
that the regulatory body is supposed to do.
There are some specific issues related to women's
health, in general, that I'd like to comment on as
well. First I'd like to emphasize that the Canadian
Women's Health Network supports, as do other women's
health advocates, what can be called the precautionary
principle. When there is uncertainty about an activity
or procedure, the onus should be on those who wish to
carry it out to demonstrate in advance its lack of
harm. This contrasts with letting it happen until we
find something has gone wrong, and then stop doing it.
This overarching principle should set a tone for the
legislation that comes.
We would also like to emphasize that although this
bill is looking at treating and circumventing
infertility, the real issue for most people is the
prevention of infertility to begin with. There are
some very non-technological approaches to preventing
infertility, through treatment of STDs and the
reduction in the frequency of sexually transmitted
diseases. Other things, such as structural changes in
how women live their lives, would allow them to have
children at earlier ages, which would again preclude
the need for facing infertility treatments later on.
The other thing is to realize that if you take the
precautionary and preventive approach, some of these
treatments proposed for infertility are being done on
very healthy women, who happen to have male partners
who are not fertile, so we need to protect the health
of healthy women.
Parenthetically, it's worth noting—and there was an
article in the newspaper recently that reminded me of
this—one of the ways in which in vitro fertilization
is favoured is by covering the costs of it. It is
cheaper for many women to have IVF than to adopt a
baby. That is something worth keeping as a contextual
feature. Women may be pushed into some of these
activities because some other ways they may want to use
to form a family are just not available to them.
Switching gears—and as I said, this is going to be a
mélange of things—on the matter of informed consent
and informed choice, we are firmly committed to the
notion that free and informed choice and consent are
fundamental to the use of the technologies. The
process of getting consent is probably as important as
seeing a signature on a piece of paper. I've learned
this from serving a couple of years now on an
institutional ethics review board.
It's very often a legalistic thing to have a signature
on a piece of paper, but you don't know why someone has
been consenting. Given the importance, we would like
the act to ensure the process and existence of informed
choice through regulations, with oversight to guarantee
the choices are not coerced.
This would include writing into legislation the
requirement that counselling by disinterested
individuals—those with no conflict of interest—would
be a condition for informed consent by parties
considering the use of any activity related to assisted
reproduction.
Taking off my CWHN hat and putting on my own hat as a
researcher and ethics review board member, I would like
to mention that there is also the need for informed
consent with respect to the researched scientific use
of the health information that's going to be collected,
as well as any other material that's collected. I'll
be coming back to that.
There is a clause in the bill, I believe it's
21(6)—I don't know the right lingo for referring
to these sections—where it might be appropriate to
offer individuals the right to refuse re-use of the
information they've provided at the time you collect
it, if that information is going to be used only for
research and not for monitoring and surveillance, which
I am fully in support of. I think there has to be
monitoring and surveillance. But to the extent there
would be no interference with an open-donor system,
which CWHN and I support, there has to be
a right to refuse
participation in all kinds of research, even if it's
only demographic data types of things.
• 1235
This brings me to another issue about the disclosure
of health information. I must admit that in looking at
the bill, I was confused, because my linguistic skills
are not too great in either English or in French, but
it seems to me the words used in English are not the
same as the words used in French and that “biological
information”, which is how I translated the French, is
not the same as “reproductive health information”—or
however it was—in English. This needs to be made
consistent. The other thing is, I don't know why it
was called health reporting information. Why
don't we just call it health information? I
didn't know what the reporting was.
This being put aside, it's important that the data be
collected, in particular because we do not know about
the safety of many of the medications and procedures
either used to stimulate oocyte production.... There
had been reports of ovarian scarring, ovarian cancer,
strokes, later infertility. Particularly if people are
going to even consider obtaining eggs and ova from
young women who have not had their own families
themselves, one does not want to try to help someone
else with infertility by creating it in another woman.
So the complete reporting is necessary, and an open
system is to be commended; it's the way it should be
done.
My next topic is surrogacy. I have to admit that I,
personally, don't like the term “surrogacy”, but I'm
not sure the other terms that have been used in this
context, either “pre-conception arrangements” or
“contract pregnancies”, are any better, so I will
stick with surrogacy.
The CWHN supports entirely the prohibition of
commercial surrogacy. However, we have serious
concerns about the distinctions made between commercial
and non-commercial arrangements in the draft bill, for
the simple reason that the same social harms pertain in
both situations. Both situations lead to a
commodification of children, to exploitation of the
vulnerable, and to health risks—for instance, perhaps,
later infertility for the young women.
As a result, all women need the assurance that no
coercion will be involved in any and every contract
pregnancy. There is without doubt the potential for
coercion in both situations. It may be economic
vulnerability in the commercial context; it could
result from emotional and other kinds of pressures in
the non-commercial variety. In fact, there may be even
more concerns about free and informed choice in
non-commercial arrangements than in the commercial
ones.
So in view of these concerns and the sort of arbitrary
distinction between commercial and non-commercial, we
find the language in the current draft bill too
enabling of non-commercial surrogacy. We would
therefore strongly encourage a moratorium on
non-commercial surrogacy, at least until a regulatory
structure is up and running.
On a specific matter—and I don't want to get into a
lot of the clauses in the bill—there seems to be some
contradiction also between two of the clauses, one
of the subclauses in 4 and one of the subclauses in 10.
It seems here that you're allowing expenses to be paid
for something you have previously prohibited. If you
are paying for something in one place you prohibited in
another, you may want to get it sorted out.
The other
issue is I don't know how one defines
“consideration”, but I do think one should talk about
expenses, and only expenses such as travel and parking,
not the expenses of being pregnant.
Considering the regulatory body, as I said at the
start, regulations need to be written now, not one year
or many years from now. This is a cri de coeur
really—as some of you who may be aware, I was on the
federal advisory committee. I was one of the original
members of the committee when it was set up several
years ago.
I resigned in June 2000 with a public letter saying
that my resignation was not because I had lost interest
in this issue but because I could no longer sit and be
part of a process that was moving so slowly. I had to
get out of it because I felt my own integrity was being
compromised by all of us working hard—and I would like
to give great thanks to the people in Health Canada who
have worked on this because they have done heroic, and
“heroine-ic”, work in this area. They have just been
superb, but the committee was being caught. So with
that political statement, I'll stop.
• 1240
In terms of the regulatory body, therefore, we formally
recommend that instead of accepting activities in
practice now, which seems to be implied by the
grandfathering in clause 43, there be binding moratoria
on all procedures to be considered by the regulatory
body. So if it's not prohibited, there should be
a binding moratorium,
with attention to at least two of these in particular.
If I can't sell the whole package, I would at least
like to pull out pre-implantation genetic diagnosis and
non-commercial surrogacy as two that really need
flagging.
In addition, if I could really have my way, I would
encourage the prohibition of any activity until such
time as it has been fully evaluated for its safety.
Until you know something is safe and effective—and I
use the word “effective” because it means in
practice, not “efficacy”, which is what the
laboratory people tell you, but if an activity is
actually going to work in the public, then it should be
there.
If you don't want to go as far as prohibiting anything
until it can be proven safe, then there should be at
least a very short time limit—no more than six,
maximum twelve, months, and that's really pushing
it—within which those carrying out some activity must
have a licence in order to continue it. In other
words, you don't give open field on what people are
doing now.
When we see the headlines in the newspapers, as we did
yesterday and today, my gut feeling is those things hit
the headlines to see what the traffic will bear, but
what's happening behind the headlines, what we haven't
heard yet, is going to come at us like a bolt of
lightening, because people don't just do these things
overnight. Whatever you haven't heard about you
should assume is already being done and will be
announced very shortly. I've been saying this for
about 20 years, but no one believed me until now; so
maybe you will.
Another issue is if no long-term information exists on
a practice, it is to be regulated as research and not
as a service. In this way you can sort of avoid trying
to figure out what to do with a thing when you don't
know about it. Regulate it as research. Get it proven
safe, effective, and then have it provisionally
regulated so it can get conditional licensing, for
instance, except under research conditions. This is a
sort of tactic you might use.
Further to the regulatory body...and I won't go into
the various conditions everyone seems to be agreeing on
in terms of independence, transparency,
accessibility—I would just like to stop there.
I was
very surprised to hear Dr. Dalziel say the
HFEA meets in private.
I would hope this would not happen in this country, and
I would encourage you to see that it does not.
Meetings not only need to be open to the public, but
transcripts of them need to be made available, web
sites need to be established—but not everyone has
Internet access. These meetings need to be recorded,
as your hearings apparently are as well. These issues
are too important to be left for small groups of people
to decide on in private. They are of great public
interest.
In this sense, the other part, which I'll come to
later if I have any time left, in terms of the
education and knowledge-building activities of the
regulatory body, is that there be funding for just
these kinds of things. There are some very interesting
models of public consultation that have been developed
in England in particular—and I think here of
citizens' juries and things known as science colleges,
which aren't colleges as we think of them but places
where citizens come to make recommendations about
policy, sometimes even binding recommendations.
These are activities that a regulatory body should be
encouraging.
I cannot get away without saying something about
cloning. I was really hoping not to have to, but I
guess that's impossible.
I hope Canada will join most other countries and
immediately establish a ban on cloning, both
reproductive and non-reproductive, without waiting for
the rest of the bill to be drafted. I speak in a
personal context right now. There have been proposals
put before this Parliament previously about cloning;
the time to act on them is long past.
Human embryos should not be cloned for the specific
intention of using them as a resource for medical
experimentation or for producing a baby. Human life
and its various parts and processes are not mere
research tools, nor are they manufactured products or
commodities. Moreover, this practice would only
encourage further marketing of women's eggs and provide
unethical incentives for women to undergo
health-threatening hormone treatment and surgery.
Thus it would seem that the definition of cloning in
the draft bill needs to be widened in paragraph
3(d) to ban the creation of embryos for
non-reproductive matters, and we must limit, not end,
the increasing bio-industrialization of life by the
scientific committee, of which I am a member, and
life science companies.
I'm so dismayed to see cloned human embryos
already being patented as inventions.
• 1245
I think it was interesting when Dr. Dalziel was
talking about the research being done in private
companies. It's being done in private companies, and
already there are patents that have been taken out in
the United States for the use of stem cells. I think
one would be very naive to think, if you're going to be
developing treatments, that these are going to be
benefiting anybody other than the companies that are
manufacturing them in the near and perhaps even the
long term.
I'm going to relate that to a couple of comments I'm
going to make about embryonic stem cell research.
I've left a document with the clerk of the committee
that comes from the United States. Unfortunately, it's
only in English. But it highlights there, as well as
in other places, that the research that has been done
on embryonic stem cells up until now has mostly been
done in animals, primarily mice.
For 20 years we have had promises that we're
going to cure all these models of disease in animals.
Not one of those promises has yet been met. It is
easier by far to work with mice. It is certainly
ethical to work with mice, unless you are a member
of PETA, which is another story.
So assuming I can handle the ethics of working with
mice, which I can, why should we suddenly believe the
promises that are being given to us now? We are being
sold a very large bill of goods with promises of things
that are not happening.
There have been no scientific papers, according to
Stuart Newman, published in the last 20
years that have reported cures, and fewer than half a
dozen have indicated any amelioration in the condition
of the mouse using mouse embryonic stem cells.
Again, you may remember that with all of these
unfulfilled promises, there have been many failures to
date using gene “therapy” and fetal tissue
transplantation. None of them have yet worked. I
think we ought to just take a deep breath.
About ten years ago, I was at an obstetrics meeting and
was collecting a lot of paraphernalia. One thing was a
picture. It's hanging on my office door, which you
cannot possibly see from there. It is an adorable
little child holding what looks like a toy—or maybe
it's a mouse for a computer—and it says: “Science you
can hug”. It was given out by a company that had
these books with all the information you want to know
about sperm donors. I think that's where this is
going, not to cure diseases.
I think embryonic cell selection has been oversold,
and I don't think we need to create embryos to make
embryonic stem cells right now. We can use the...I
don't like the term “extra”, but the embryos that
have been created for IVF. If people give signed,
informed consent to their use for research, use those.
The others have not really worked.
Even the article that was posted on the Internet
yesterday.... Realize that is a publication that does
not have peer review, other than by its own internal
people. It has its own internal ethics committee
reviewing these things. And I think we all need to
take a deep breath and say, yes, it showed us these are
going on, but it has not moved us that much further.
I'll move quickly to sex selection, because I'm sure
my time has run out.
The draft bill needs to be extended. It deals now
only with sperm cell sorting, but sex selection can be
done with pre-implantation genetic diagnosis, which is
why I don't want that happening. I think you need to
consider whether you want to have the act expanded to
include sex selection for the creation or implantation
of an embryo chosen strictly on the basis of its sex.
Regarding pre-implantation diagnosis, as I've
mentioned, I think this is a dangerous activity right
now. It is under debate in the U.K. They did a public
opinion poll, and the public seems to be in favour of
it there. I didn't see the questions the public was
asked, and I would like to know that before I say the
public really wants this done.
It's very difficult to distinguish medical from
non-medical conditions. What is a medical condition
when we're doing pre-implantation diagnosis? If you
open the door, is this a proper technology to use for
people who are not infertile, but who are requesting
IVF specifically to be able to assess the condition of
an embryo before implantation? This is already being
done. I think you have to be careful there.
• 1250
Finally, as I've said already, I think the consulting
and educational roles of a regulatory body are
critical. They should be funded and they should really
engage the public in an honest, participatory,
democratic discussion—not a consultation where people
like me go to the table surrounded by everybody from
industry and have to fight for their lives most of the
time, but real consultations.
The final worry is about financing and management.
We're disappointed there's nothing in the draft bill
about how the activities will be covered
financially—those that are licensed. I think we need
to have a public discussion about what's going to be
publicly insured and what will be left, if anything,
for individuals to pay for themselves. If the costs of
the services are to be borne by the individuals using
them, it causes grave concerns because it will lead to
unequal access. If you think these things are worth
doing, why should they not be available to everybody? I
also believe it will lead to further privatization of
the health system for reproductive care—something we
do not want to see happening at all.
I also have concerns, as do others, about using
cost-recovery mechanisms to finance the regime, because
I think they will likely only encourage privatization.
I believe the CWHN's position would be that there be
medicare coverage if an activity has been proven safe
and effective; otherwise the activity should be done
only within a research protocol that has been approved
for its science and its ethics.
I will stop here. I'm sorry for going on probably
longer than you wanted me to, but I will answer
questions. And with all due respect, as much as I want
to beat up on you for taking so much time, as a
government, to do this, I recognize these are not easy
issues. I've been doing this for 20 years. I thought 20
years ago they were complicated. I realize I was
understating what has happened since then. So I know
you're agonizing with a lot of hard things, but on the
other side, realize there are a lot of women and a lot
of children who are going to be harmed if you don't
move judiciously and quickly. They need things that
are safe, effective, and well regulated. So you have a
lot of people in your hands.
Thank you.
The Chair: Thank you very much, Dr. Lippman.
You're so wide-ranging, and you have opinions about all
the things we're struggling with. We're most grateful.
I have to personally apologize because the clerk and I
have to go somewhere to accomplish a budget so
that this committee can bring witnesses like yourself to
speak to us in future. I'm going to have to ask my
vice-chair if he'll take over for the questioning
period. But thank you very, very much.
Prof. Abby Lippman: Thank you.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock (Winnipeg South,
Lib.)): We design questions by the pound here in this
committee.
Mr. Manning, I trust you will have a question.
Mr. Preston Manning: Yes, just a couple.
I want to thank you for your testimony. I find
we're very much in agreement, particularly with
your statements on cloning and regulation of embryonic
stem cells.
I have two quick questions. One is on your reference
to the importance of informed choice, consent, and the
need to specify the process, not just the documents.
We've had a number of witnesses who have provided us
with the forms that are used to get consent, but do you
have any model in mind of a process for obtaining
informed choice and consent that somebody's worked out
that could be perhaps even incorporated in a statute?
Prof. Abby Lippman: No, unfortunately, I'm not aware
that there are any templates.
I think the critical issue, really...I would be
comfortable in trusting those who are doing the
counselling beforehand if they were not part of the
process themselves. It's one thing if you go into an
infertility clinic and the infertility nurse is telling
you about it. I think that puts a constraint on it.
So I think they have to be people who don't have a
conflict of interest doing this. I haven't gone into
the exact details of how to set it up. I could create
some, but I don't want to take up your time making them
up.
Mr. Preston Manning: Yes, okay.
• 1255
Given your reservations about
altruistic, or so-called altruistic, surrogacy, why not
ban both altruistic and commercial surrogacy?
Prof. Abby Lippman: I'm concerned about the
banning of the altruistic surrogacy. I'm thinking of
some of the native women's groups. There are
situations where giving babies to someone else is part
of their behaviour. I would not like to see it done.
I'm speaking only for myself. I've been grappling
with this. I go back and forth on feeling I want to
completely criminalize the commercial surrogacy. Since
I see them as so parallel, the logical conclusion would
be to regulate both. I'm concerned that giving a
message where we're only regulating commercial is not
strong enough.
I've taken what I recognize is a somewhat inconsistent
position, given how I feel, in saying I want to have
the prohibition on the commercial. I'm willing,
because of my concerns about trapping innocent women,
to let the non-commercial be heavily regulated. I do
not want to call it altruistic. It's why I've changed
some of the words so we get rid of this notion of
altruism. It would be non-commercial surrogacy under
very close regulation.
Mr. Preston Manning: Okay, thank you.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): Thank you.
Mrs. Sgro was next, but the next one we'll have is Mr.
Ménard.
[Translation]
Mr. Réal Ménard: Thank you. I have two questions.
You said that the preamble of the bill should indicate
clearly that we intend to respect the values of the Charter. I
would like to give you the example we heard yesterday, from the
Lesbian Mothers Association, which wanted it to be mentioned in
the preamble that there should be no discrimination on the basis
of sexual orientation and against single mothers. We were told
that heterosexual women who live alone, who do not have a man in
their life, are not entitled to use fertility clinics. So, my first
question is this: Do you want that to be included in the preamble?
Secondly, I want to make sure I understood. If a woman is
stimulated and that several eggs are produced and she chooses
freely and voluntarily to give those excess eggs for research,
there would be no difficulty. When you say that embryos should not
be used for research, I suppose that would not apply to such a
scenario.
Ms. Abby Lippman: Can I answer in English?
Mr. Réal Ménard: Absolutely.
[English]
Prof. Abby Lippman: You were not here when I said
I am an audible minority. I speak both languages with
the same New York accent.
In terms of the first part of your question, the
answer is yes. It's why I refer to the charter. I
think there may be other examples besides lesbian women
or single mothers who want access to the technologies.
I believe they should have them. In terms of the
specifics on how it's written, rather than just taking
the two cases, I refer to charter liberties that
would encompass them.
Does it answer your question?
The second point is I would strongly object to having
the creation of embryos strictly for research. If a
woman has given her free and informed consent—she has
been stimulated to produce eggs for the purpose of her
own treatment, there are extra eggs, and she chooses to
allow them to be used for research that is ethically
and scientifically approved—I would accept it.
She should not be stimulated merely to produce eggs
that will be used for research, if she's not going to
be stimulated first to produce the eggs for her own
purpose, because it's too dangerous. I don't think any
ethics review board would allow it to happen. You're
giving a healthy woman a risk to her own health for
material to play with in a lab.
Does that address it?
[Translation]
Mr. Réal Ménard: What you said is very interesting. You have
exactly answered my question.
If we go further, if a person is being treated, her primary
reason would be to give birth to a child. If she has several eggs
and wants to contribute to research, you have no difficulty with
that. I suppose your position is based on the ethical value that
embryos should first of all serve to give birth to children. This
is what Minister Rock had stated in the communiqué that he gave us
when we started our debates. So, I have no problem with that.
• 1300
However, what would you answer to a scientist telling you
that, at the present time, excess embryos are not in sufficient
number to meet the needs of research and that the type of research
that would be carried out with excess embryos could lead to a
significant improvement of human life by allowing us to find cures
for heart diseases, Parkinson's disease, Alzheimer's and other
degenerative diseases?
[English]
Prof. Abby Lippman: If I understood you correctly,
I would say we have not, as far as I am aware of the
science. I'm not in the lab daily as a scientist.
We have not pushed hard enough to know what can be
done with the cells already there, either from adults
or from the fetus. In fact, someone recently was
recording that they can get cells from amniotic fluid,
when a woman has amniocentesis, and can make the cells
behave as if they are stem cells. It's a bit scary.
I don't think we're stopping science in saying we're
going to work with the cells we have and not create
embryos to get the cells. If things are going slowly,
so be it. I am willing to say it's unfortunate. It's
not unfair, to me, that we slow things until we can do
the science in a rigorous, sound, ethically appropriate
way that does not do more harm than good.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): Thank you, Mr.
Ménard.
Ms. Wasylycia-Leis.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: Thank you, Mr.
Chairperson.
There's so much to raise as a result of your brief.
I'm going to have to focus on a couple of issues that I
think we haven't heard much about.
One is the development in this country around
pre-implantation and genetic diagnosis. As I
understand it, in fact, private clinics exist now to
which people can go for precisely the purpose you
identified. It is not for medical reasons, but to
create designer babies, in effect.
I'd like you to comment more on the pervasiveness of
this service for Canadians. Can you indicate whether
you think this bill, as it's now drafted, will do
anything to shut down or outlaw such operations to
prohibit that kind of activity?
You talked about the patent for genetic manipulation
of human cells, which as a committee we haven't really
grappled with. I think part of the reason is the
patent office probably reports to the Ministry of
Industry, if I'm correct. We know there are numerous
applications before the Canadian Patent Office for
patenting the different genetic manipulations of human
cells.
What can we do, through this bill or otherwise, to
prevent the patenting of life forms and to stop this
move toward a commercial genetic civilization? It
appears to be happening all around us, and it is aided and
abetted by the lack of any legislation in this area.
Prof. Abby Lippman: Thank you. I'm afraid I'm
going to give very weak answers to both your questions.
I cannot comment on the extent to which there are
private clinics actually doing pre-implantation genetic
diagnosis. I don't know. I've heard about them, but I
have not done a survey on how much is going on.
I know the technique is used in some of the university
centres for specific diseases. It may be being used;
it's not clear that it is. It's something that has
really not started here.
The U.K. is ahead of everyone in this area. The
licensing agency has been happily licensing a lot of
the things. I don't think pre-implantation genetic
diagnosis has gone very far in this country, at the
present time, but it may be offered.
In terms of the patenting, I wish I knew how to answer
the question. When I was listening to Dr. Dalziel
talk about how they're in close discussions with the
Ministry of Industry and Trade in the U.K., a shiver
went up and down my spine. I kept thinking about who
was going to be there to commercialize the material.
I don't know how to put it into law that these things
will not be patented. Certainly, if they're being made
here, I'd be less than naive to think they're not going
somewhere else. There are going to be border crossings
for all the activities. There's going to be access
across borders.
I'm concerned that some of the regulations that may be in
NAFTA will allow for the opening of private clinics
here, that it will come here.
• 1305
So there's a whole
intersection between what's happening in the trade
ministry, what's happening in the economic development,
and what's happening in the reproductive technology. I
don't think any one bill can really get at it.
Certainly I think to this extent you want to have the
bill be as close and have as much teeth in it as
possible to get at commercialization, where you can get
at it.
The other part of this is that this bill is primarily
focused on those techniques and those activities that
have to do with assisted reproduction. There are a
whole vast number of issues dealing with developments
in genetics that this bill probably should not
incorporate, but it cannot be apart from that.
So how do you interdigitate these two sets of things
that are going on? On the one hand, you're going to
have the CIHR pushing research and genetics to get
this done, insisting that you have partnerships in the
private domain, and yet this bill is trying to do the
tightening. To the extent you can limit
commercialization through the assisted reproductive
technologies is about all you can do here. It's a
modest goal. It will not solve all the problems.
That's why I'm not a member of Parliament, because I
don't know how to solve them.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): Ms.
Wasylycia-Leis.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: Your comments are much
appreciated. It's not an issue we've heard a lot on in
terms of all these hearings. I think it's probably one
of the more central issues to be grappled with if we're
going to present meaningful legislation on the whole
area of reproductive technologies.
My last question is simply on the following issue. You
were very clear about moving immediately on
prohibitions on cloning, whether it's for research
purposes or the creation of life forms or a baby. What
do we need to do? How can we convince this government
to move quickly on that issue? We've had this before
us for so many years. There has been a consensus in
Parliament, a consensus in the public. What's the
hold-up, and what can we do to break down that wall?
Prof. Abby Lippman: My guess right now is—and I'm
only speaking as an ex-Brooklynite—you have a moment
of opportunity. I think the public is enough aroused
now that if there was to be a bill right now, you'd
have the public behind you. I think the public has
always been behind you about cloning.
The issue needs to be made really clear about
non-reproductive cloning and the emphasis on how this
is a commercial activity and not about treating
diseases. Even if you did non-reproductive
cloning now, it might be my great-grandchildren who
might benefit from it—if then. Put a sunset clause in
and say we're going to do that, because we need to take
a breath. I know it's a bad term right now in terms of
the other bill that's here. But you didn't ask me to
think about Bill C-36. Why not put in a sunset clause?
We're going to prohibit reproductive and
non-reproductive cloning now. We will revisit it in
three years. But we need to take a deep breath and
we're not going to move until then. That's a thought.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): Ms. Beaumier.
Ms. Colleen Beaumier (Brampton West—Mississauga,
Lib.): I just have a very short question. We have
activities in third world countries such as removing
kidneys, kidney donations, and selling of kidneys. Do
you feel we need to work in an anti-importation
piece into the legislation? We know if there is
money to be made, it's probably a lot easier to have
women produce extra ova for the production of embryos
than it is to have them give away kidneys. Are we
going to need to consider that in our legislation—to
disallow any importation of the embryo?
Prof. Abby Lippman: I think so. In fact I try to
understand it a little bit. I don't always understand
legalese talk that way. But it seemed to me that one of
the things in the bill, as it stands now, does not
allow you to buy or sell.... You can't pay money to
buy eggs or sperm, but once those eggs or sperm are in
a bank, you can then do trade in them to somebody else.
So there's a third-party activity that is allowed
in this bill.
I would have no problem. In fact, I would encourage
there to be. If it's not commercial to the person who
is providing it, why should some bank, to which I've
given my eggs, suddenly be able to sell them to some
place else or import them for something else?
In some of the text I had earlier written, which I was
not going to bore you with, one of the concerns I have
is the downstream or secondary use of previously
accumulated material. I think this is a serious
issue that should be tightened harder.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): Thank you.
Mr. Lunney, and I believe that's the last person I
have on the list.
• 1310
Mr. James Lunney: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First, you're very clear on the surrogacy issue about
not providing incentives. I think that was what we
heard come across very clearly. Most of us would agree
with that.
Just moving along here, on the embryonic stem cells,
you were very clear about the 20 years of promise and
the very dismal delivery—I'll use your words, “sold a
bill of goods”—and the many failures to date. I certainly
appreciate that being advanced, because there has been a
lot of hype in this arena.
You did touch briefly on this in response to Mr.
Ménard's question. But to put adult stem research in
perspective, what's going on in McGill in particular
with the skin precursors and so on? Would you comment
from your perspective, from where you sit in medical
epidemiology, for all these years on whether you see
tremendous encouragement in the advances in adult stem
cell research and the prospects there?
Prof. Abby Lippman: Yes. Quite honestly, my
single-word answer is yes. I don't think anybody would have
predicted what they are finding these days. As I
said, yes.
I don't think we've given that as much.... It's
getting some attention. But why should we not
privilege that and push it as fast and as far as we can
go, before we say we have to have these embryonic stem
cells. I don't think we're going to lose a lot of
time. I think if people say that Canada will be a
second-rate country because of this, that's
foolishness. That's silly. We won't be a second-rate
country. We're doing research that's sound and good.
Mr. James Lunney: Would you say in a word then
that the promise that has been pushed with embryonic
stem cells probably has a greater likelihood of being
delivered with adult stem cells?
Prof. Abby Lippman: I'm not a good gambler. I
have never bought a lottery ticket in my life. I would
say I would want to give it a good try first. My
background comes in biology, not even in genetics. And
genetics is not biology. Biology is fascinating in
terms of what you can learn about what cells can do and
how they do it. We've had too much hype.
Several years ago I made up a word that has now become
the subject of several theses unfortunately, called
“geneticization” I use the word
because I think we're trying to see everything that
happens in this world as an issue of genetics, whether
it's disease, whether it's health, whether it's the
food we eat—whatever.
Let's take a deep breath again and say, think how
genetics is very small. The DNA plays a very minor
part in all of this. It's all the things that the
cells are doing. In that sense they could be more
dangerous from embryonic stem cells. What I
first learned about embryonic stem cells, as a starting
graduate student in genetics, was they are the cells
that cause something called a teratoma. I don't
know if you've ever heard of teratoma, but teratoma are
when you grow hair and skin and fingernails in your
belly, because these are stem cells that have gone awry
and started doing what stem cells do. They are
cancer-causing cells. Adult stem cells maybe need a
little bit more play in the lab to become a skin cell
or a.... But I'd be more comfortable in a certain
sense, biologically, trying to work with an adult cell.
Mr. James Lunney: So if we were to pour coals
on the adult stem cell research and perhaps have a
moratorium on the embryonic stem cell research, it
would be interesting to see where that would lead
Canada.
Thank you.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): Ms. Wasylycia-Leis.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: I've two quick questions.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): A short one.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: I think you are one of
the few people who actually suggested that we include
in the bill mandatory counselling of a disinterested
party. Do you have any recommendations—and you can
think about this for later—on where we should put that
and how we can make sure it's advanced as a...? I
can just hear the arguments that this doesn't belong in
legislation. So I'm trying to figure out a way—
Prof. Abby Lippman: Well, I think I would leave that
to the regulatory body to figure out. I think it's
harder to legislate. How it's done can be done
afterwards, but I think it should be done.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: But should it be in
legislation, do you think, right in the bill?
Prof. Abby Lippman: I can't answer, because I don't
know how detailed the bill is going to get, and there
would probably be others. I think if you have
counselling as part of the informed consent process, and
that's in the bill....
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: But is there enough of an
emphasis in the bill? I'm wondering if we should....
It's probably one of the really clear checks we have
against this whole issue of women being used as egg-producing
machines and going to the extraction of extra
eggs for research purposes.
Prof. Abby Lippman: Let me broaden that, and that
is in terms of the bill. What I didn't get to say,
when I was reading from my notes, was that even in
terms of the regulatory body, I don't think there
should be anybody appointed to that who has a conflict
of interest—in other words, who's going to have any
financial gain from being on that regulatory body.
This does not mean you won't pull in the
clinicians and the researchers for their input.
They have that skill. But I don't think
anybody who gets money from this should be part of
that. If you do it in the regulatory body, then it
can filter down so that anybody involved would have to
declare no conflict of interest and have complete
disclosure.
• 1315
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): Judy.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: I have a final question.
On this issue of genetics and pre-implantation genetic
diagnosis, should we be clearly calling for
prohibitions on the use of eugenic techniques for
non-medical purposes? Is that the right phrasing?
Does that capture that whole issue around sex selection
and use of these new procedures for designing babies
according to certain characteristics?
Prof. Abby Lippman: To be consistent with
everything I have written for 20 years, I couldn't
accept that term, even though I know what you're
getting at, for the simple reason that for 20 years I
have lost many friends and made many enemies by
saying in public, in print, that even the simple use
of amniocentesis is a form of eugenic approach to life.
I support doing prenatal testing for various reasons
in various circumstances. But since I have referred to
that and have been pilloried for calling it a eugenic
practice, even though I might support it, I wouldn't go
so far as to put that kind of prohibition into the law.
It would catch too many things inappropriately. I
think the wording would have to be a little bit more
nuanced. I would like to say yes, but I can't.
Ms. Judy Wasylycia-Leis: If you have any
suggestions on wording, that would be appreciated by
the committee.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): Go ahead,
Professor Lippman.
Prof. Abby Lippman: Thank you, and my apologies to
the translators. I know I am a real pain. I
thank you for tolerating my speed and my going on.
Thank you all.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Reg Alcock): And thank you
very much.
We are adjourned.